New York Amsterdam News — 1963-00-00537
1963
1 pages
✓ Indexed
1» • N. Y. AMSTERDAM NEWS, Sat., July IS, 1963
Surrounded
NSW YORK
.*
Amsterdam Netos •;
C. B. POWELL
President lc Editor
P. M. H Savory, Secy-Trecu. • J, L. Hicks, Execut h* Editor
W. *. BmU Comttraiur; K. A. Was. AdvarUMM DWadWri B. M. J(
r» i. B. Walter. CMj Bdtteri J. W. Wa
D.
Published weekly by the Powell-Savory Corporation at 2340
Eighth Ave., N. Y. Telephone ACademy 2-7800 Brooklyn
office, 1251 Bedford Avenue. Telephone ULater 7-2500.
rated: 1 year 9IM — •
MM
Waiting For What?
At the present time, New York is naming com
mittees, making studies, drawing up plans and issu
ing press releases on what this City is doing to bring
about fair and equitable opportunities under the
American way of life to its Negro citizens who
everyone is willing to admit now have been denied
such opportunities for too long a time
Frankly speaking, about the only difference in
what is happening now and what has happened in
the past is that the City is perhaps making more of
a fuss in more different areas than it has ever done
before.
We are not optimistic but neither are we pessi
mistic. We simply hope that the City Fathers by this
time clearly see the necessity for such action, for we
know that if such action is not taken this City is head
ing for trouble.
But we would be much more optimistic if the
City Administration, instead of issuing a lot of press
releases about what it is going to do, would do some
of those things which it should have done a long time
ago.
A case in point is within the City Fire Depart
ment, headed by Fire Commissioner Edward Thomp
~~
son.
■
•
Here a Deputy Fire Commissionship vacancy ex
ists. Virtually everyone we know in the City of New
York agrees that the man most qualified for this
job, the man most deserving of it, and the man who
should be named to it is Fire Marshall Robert
Lowery, an Acting Lieutenant in the Fire Depart
ment.
Over and above Lowery’s qualifications for the
job stands the bald fact that for too long now the
ethnic group to which he belongs is being, and has
been, discriminated against at this level in the Fire
Department.
What is the City whiting for in the naming of
Robert Lowery?
So Little Time!
This newspaper feels that the Saturday Evening
Post in an editorial in its current edition, has gone
to the heart of the matter in an appeal to Congress
for passage of the President’s civil rights bill.
We feel the Post in this editorial has shown a
greater depth and understanding of just what this
bill means to the Negro and to America than many
of its sister publications in the magazine field.
Describing the President’s civil-rights bill as the
“most comprehensive in the past century ... a mod
erate and minimal program,” the Post editorial said
“the Negro revolution will not be put down by a com
promise bill; it has gone beyond this point.”
“Our nation is challenged to accept a new image
of the American Negro, to accept the fact that the
Negro community is aroused and will resort to as
much force as is necessary to win the full privileges
of citizenship,” the editorial asserted.
“Revolution,” the editorial continued, “is a harsh
word 777meaning upheaval and bloodshed . . . con
fession of failure ... the rule of law has failed . . .
yet revolution is the word that is beginning to apply
to the Negro demonstrations.”
“Southern segregationists plan to defeat or mod
ify the President’s program by staging their “futile
filibuster,” zealous integrationists will stage their
“dangerous and equally futile demonstrations . . .
and America will be the worse for it.”
“It is the responsibility of the nation to accom
modate the legitimate aims of this Negro revolution
with as little violence and damage to our society as
possible. There is very little time. The question is:
What do we do with these few remaining hours,” the
editorial stated.
This newspaper wholeheartedly agrees with the
Post.
There is very little time.
It is a pleasure to note the direct and forth
right action taken by the United Presbyterian
Church in setting up a direct action committee to
attack segregation and the quick follow-through to
such a program shown by the Rev. Dr. Eugene
Carson Blake, stated clerk, of the United Presby
terian Church, who in the highest tradition of Chris
tianity led a group of integrationists to~a segregated
park in Maryland and willingly submitted to arrest
when owners of the park refused to admit Negroes.
It is an added pleasure to say that Dr. Blake
was not alone in this action.
By his side were the Right Rev. Daniel Corrigan
of the National Council of the Protestant Episcopal
Church and Rabbi Morris Lieberman of the Baltimore
Hebrew Congregational Church.
They had many followers who were willing to,
and did, go to jail# for the right of all men to have
free access to public facilities supported by city,
federal and state funds. ,
But more important than the fact that there were
followers willing to go to jail is the fact that at long
last there has appeared on the scene white religious
leaders of the stature of Dr. Blake, Rev. Corrigan and
Rabbi Lieberman who are willing to lead them. into
cell blocks in the Interest of right.
This is progress in the field of religion in America
and we are happy to note it.
Along This Way
Ndt As An Observer
(The following is an excerpt
from a speech delivered by Roy
Wilkins at the NAACP’s Chicago
Convention, July 1.)
Obviously, in a nation formed
upon the principles set forth by
the Revolutionary founders, the
government has a role to play in
the civil rights crusade. It cannot
be an observer, for its principles,
along with the Ne
gro’s humanity, are
being violated.
Now a crisis is
upon the country,
not a dust-bowl cri
sis, or a hurricane
crisis, but a moral
human rights crisis.
Men and women
who have been WILKINS
beaten down are straightening up.
They are restless and rising.
There is a new light in their eyes
and a new set to their shoulders.
They are marching and demon
strating and otherwise crying,
aloud their petitions and their
protests.
The things they say sound like
the words of John Adams and
Thomas Jefferson and Roger Wil-
By ROY WILKINS
liams and Patrick Henry and
John Paul Jones and Frederick
Douglass and Franklin D. Roose
velt. The love they talk about is
the love of humanity, the kind
that runs from heart to heart
around language, over national
boundaries and through skins.
John F. Kennedy, in an eloquent
and moving speech, placed the
issue squarely before the Ameri
can people. It was followed by a
message to the Congress trans
mitting the most comprehensive
civil rights program ever submit
ted by a Chief Executive. “Im
perative” was the word used by
the President to describe the need
for enactment.
Hardly had he uttered a word
before certain Senators were voic
ing their opposition. From the
Southerners one expected little
else, although one wonders what
manner of men the events of Bir
mingham and of Tuscaloosa, and
of Jackson could not shame and
silence.
Senator Richard B. Russell of
Georgia declared the civil rights
package is “unpalatable” to him
and his. We submit that the Sena
tor does not know the full mean
ing of the word. He and his will
never know what “unpalatable”
really is until they, like the Negro,
have the rotten mess of racial
discrimination as a daily diet.
But it is Senator Everett Mc
Kinley Dirksen, Senate Minority
Leader, hailing from this “Land
of Lincoln,” who opposes the sec
tion of the President’s bill which
w 'ild ban refusal of service to
Ne/roes by places of public ac
commodation. S ;nator Dirksen
talks of “property rights.” This
was the language of the slave
owners a century ago. He would
depend on voluntary action to de
segregate, ignoring the fact that
it is the dismal failure of volun
tary action that has brought on
the present crisis.
In a very real sense, this strug
gle will be a test of the raison
d’etre of the Republican party.
Not of its glibness or of its ability
to maneuver, or of its political
astuteness, but of its inner being.
What is it, spirit or sawdust? If
in this human rights crisis, the
Republican party has nothing to
offer the Negro, then it has noth
ing of real value to offer the na
tion.
/-
- Pulse Of New York’s Public
The Amsterdam News welcomes letters on either side of any sublect. It Is preferred that letters not exceed 259 words and
**** nut te signed. Names will be withheld on request. No letter« oaw be returned. AU must te
to the editor
Letter of Week
Sir: In reference to your ar
ticle "Another Angle’’ which ap
peared recently in The Anwter-
dams News, I wish to make the
following observations: 1. I a-
gree whole heartly with every-
ing you suggested in your arti
cle, however, I would not limit
the “sitting down together and
agreeing among themselves” to
just Dr. King and Mr. Wilkins.
I would include the leaders of
all national organizations. The
Elks, Masons, National Religious
Organizations, Black Muslims,
Financial Institutions (banks. Fe
deral Building and Loan Asso
ciations, Insurance Companies,
etc.) The Urban League, Fra
ternal Organizations, CORE Me
dical Organizations, Hisotrical
Organizations, etc., in addition
to The NAACP and SCLC
2. Although the above organiza
tions all advocate different meth
ods of accomplishing the goal of
first class citizenship for all Afro
Americans. I believe the aim is
the same for each organization.
With representatives from each
combined to create a "National
Race Relation and co-ordinating
comittee" to coordinate the ac
tions of all. We could have one
person from this committee sel
ected as spokesman to make our
official position known. This
would eliminate different indivi-
duals, because of their social,
financial or educational status,
from being selected outside of
this committee to give their opin
ion on what the Afro American
is thinking.
3. Each of the above organ!
zations would continue to ms
tain its individual identify but
would let its contemplated ac
tions be known to The National
Committee. Not for approval as
such, but for information and
constructive criticism with a fin
ai coordinated position. I know
that this is a very tall -order hut
as you know we don't, st the
moment have any one organize
tiou which can speak forsll
Afro Americans thus, the con
tinned bickering among all. This
I believe is why out of ap
proximately 20 million Afro Am
ericans, we have less than one
million NAACP memberships
a lesser amount in other
organizations such as CORE and
ACLC, etc.
4. Although The NAACP does
not believe In all the teachings
of Dr. King, Mr. Malcolm X,
etc., I do believe that The NAACP
is in sympathy with some of their
aspirations. Other wise The NA
ACP would not be supporting
non-violent marches in Mississ
ippi, Alabama, etc., and the
Black Muslims who are being
tried in Los Angeles, California
on "assault” charges. I also be
lieve The Black Muslims are
in sympathy with the aspirations
of other black Americans as ev
idenced by the May 24, edition
of Muhammad Speaks Newspap
er which shows food and clothing
being distributed to the people
of Chicago, during the recent
Assistance Program crisis, by
Muhammads Temple grocery and
market and Muhammads
Temple clothing store.
5.
In addition to acting as
National Spokesman for our or
ganizations, the above oommit-
tee would act as the focal point
for establishing and supporting
Afro American business, receiv
ing and distributing financial as
sistance to Afro American dis
aster areas, such as the situa
tion in Chicago, the recen^ situa
tions in Mississippi and Alabama
and the "tent city" situation in
Tennessee, getting Afro Amer
ican History to the public
through use of the vast Amer-
communications net work
and the establishment of Nation
al Scholarships. These are just
a few of the. items this com
mittee could accomplish. I be
lieve there are many more.
8. We. as a group, are spend
ing billions of dollars each year
as consumers, yet producing
concerns within our group are
very few, if not totally non
existent. A committee as metn-
fionerP above could eliminate
this situation. Because of the
r
ud lca“
never ending high percentage oi
unemployed among our group,
we should strive through a co
ordinated effort to provide at
least 20 percent employment tor
our own.
I don’t believe this Is too tall
an order to achieve, if the prop
er emphasis is placed at a Nat
ional level. A sufficient number
of financial institutions and qual
ified people are now available
to accomplish this goal. As a
business man myself, I have
tried to accomplish this on a
local level. But Afro American
Financial Institutions, in this
area, capable of providing the
necessary capital to accomplish
such a goal are non - existent.
Sir, I have read all of your
articles, with interest and antlci
pation since I started reading
the Amsterdam News over five
years ago, and being a member
of the NAACP, Senior Partner
and Chief Accountant in a local
Accounting "Firm and Treasurer
of The Harrisburg, Pennsylvan
ia Club of the Frontiers Inter
national Inc., I am very much
interested in Afro Americui un- way.
ity and progress.
delusion, to further put off giving
the Negro bis rights now. For
example, the Constitution of the
United States, which is part of
the body of existing law, provides
that when a state denies the right
to vote to its citizens it shall
have its representation in the
Congress proportionately wield a
disproportionate influence In the
Congress of the United States are
guilty of denying the right of the
vote to millions of Negro citizens.
If and when the much touted
civil rights bill ever gets through
Congress even in watered down
form they will only take their
place alongside of other legisla
tion that is not enforced.
I repeat, never mind more leg
islation, firX let’s get enforce
ment of what • is on the books
now.
LEROY M. McLZAN
Brooklyn, N. Y.
Editors Note: We agree with
your complaint. And have so
stated. We get these laws passed
now by Congress, and keep np
our effort, we will be on our
In this regard, I would appre
ciate very much being kept ad
vised on the progress of the
suggestions made In your art
icle "Another Angle" together
with the suggestions which
I
have made
elsewhere in this
letter.
John E. Coy, Jr.
Harrisburg, Va.
Another View
Sir: Allow me to disagree vig
orously with you on your front
page editorial last week, the
point of which was that “The
executive branch of the govern
ment has done all that it can do
and it’s now uptotheieglslature."
Nothing could he further from
the truth. The fact is the execu
tive branch of government has
done only as little as It possibly
could get away with doing and
talk of need for more civil rights
legislature is only a farce and a
Clean City
Sir: There is an urgent need
to step up the clean-city cam
paign to counteract a sohstan
tial drop In the number of clean
streets In upper Manhattan. The
enclosed public service announce
ment tells of the Intensive en
forcement campaign the police
are conducting.
If we’re to make real prog
rest, however, we must also keep
the public alert through educa
tiou. We must continue to sell
the idea that a clean New York
is a personal responsibility.
For years, the Amsterdam News
has given generous support to the
clean-city program. The program
— and the city — have benefited
greatly. We are looking forward
to your continued support.
A. J. Pappas
Citizens Committee to
Keep New York Clean
New York 7, N. Y
A Letter On
My Country
-
' '
. . .4> .
How does a Negro war veteran react to racial
conflict in the U.S. today? How does a Negro war
veteran who is also a paraplegic feel?
The article below was written by such a man, Lt.
William Edwards.
The Amsterdam News publishes Lt. Edward’s
letter in the hope that those who may have never given
it any thought may come to better understand what
effects some of the imperfections our democracy has
upon the Negro.
I was bom some twenty five years ago in Syden
ham Hospital in New York City.
I doh’t remember much about my first five years.
They were spent in a house on Manhattan Avenue
which, at that time was
the street that marked the
beginning of black Har
lem.
Across from us was a
park with a tall green
spike fence, and inside
the park there was swings
and a black tar roadway
where a child could ride
his tricycle, ladder back
seats for tired parents,
and a wonderful water
spigot in the shape of an
animal that spewed cool
water in the summer’s
heat. ,
I had fun there.
I can remember playing
follow the leader and tag
and many other games
which four and five year
olds play when they play together — but 1 can’t re
member the other children’s faces. My mother has
since told me that there were white as well as colored
kids in that park, and that we all played together-
without regard to what or who we were . . . but I
don’t remember.
u- Edward#
My first real recollection of childhood.is.of.Prince
ton where we moved during the war years. My father
worked in New York at the Rationing Board, he left
early every morning to catch the train and didn’t
arrive home until late . . . long after I’d gone to bed.
Mom worked in the Grumman defense plant.
Every monung she bundled me off to school and told
me “be good and stay near Mrs. Hall’s. I’ll be home
as early as possible”. So, most of the day my family
was out working as a part of America’s gn at defense
effort.
Those were wonderful years, years filled with
fragmentary news of the great war, with movies about
our valiant troops, tfie pledge of allegiance recited
everywhere, save your scraps, victory gardens, tin-
foil balls ... it was a wonderful time to grow up in,
feeling the war yet not knowing what it meant.
We played, transforming sticks into guns and trees
into planes ... our enemies; each other, changing
daily as one or another chose as leader.
His Gang
We were all one Bobby McClintoc, the Irish-
American red-head from down the street; Ritchie Hall,
the fair skinned Negro from around the corner; Jean,
our tomboy scapegoat who was always the last to get
picked; Phil, the white Protestant who lived around
the corner from Albert Einstein; and me.
We knew no race other than good and bad: the
. good.
Germans and Japs weiTW the Americans
I shall always remember the
slogans of that time: Save V-
Bonds, a slip of the lip, land of
the free—home of the brave.
Princeton was patriotic — you
would see them everywhere; in
the schools we went to, the mo
vies we attended, the stamp books
we all bought by saving bottles
and collecting rags.
As I said, those were wonder
ful days. Our parents never stop
ped us to say "don’t . . . he’s
white, or black, or Catholic, or
Protestant," and if they did we
never heard about it.
We kids stuck together; we
were friends. The Four Muske
teers we called ourselves, and
Jean was the fifth . . . wheneve?
we "men" allowed her to Join us
in our play.
We ate at each others houses,
all of us went together to Ball’s
candy store on allowance day, W«
climbed together into the crabap-
ple orchard behind Jean’s house,
and every Saturday we met be
fore the Playhouse Theatre for
six cartoons, a Western, and the
double feature preceded by the
National Anthem.
Five years I lived there, five
long and wonderful years — and
then we moved. The war was
over, pop had a job with the Unit
ed Nations and after a short Jaunt
to Greece to visit him, we moved
to New York: thus I ended my
life in Princeton. The year was
1948.
Te PS 1M
I was sent to P.S. 188, an en
tirely Negro school serving cen
tral Harlem around 145th Street.
I had my difficulties in that
school. I was too bright, too sas
sy, and proud of my light skin, so
when I wasn’t differing with teach
era I was fighting the local bul
lies who used my color as a taunt
ing jibe. I got my licks too, I
could fight, but there is always
someone who is better or strong
er.
So for those or some other rea
sons, I was transferred out of
my district to public school 152
... a school located on 200th
Street In Inwood, a predominant
ly Jewish neighborhood. There
were (to my recollection) only
two Negroes in the entire school
myself and one other whom I
never got to meet because he was
four grades below me. I had my
fights . . . every kid entering a
new school has them until he can
establish a place in the pecking
order for himself ... but on the
whole I found myself accepted
without the malice I had expect
ed from listening to my neighbor
hood friends and their "truths"
about how Jews act.
To Fieldston
From there I went to Fieldston,
a private school run by the Ethi
cal Culture Society, and then to
college. In both places I found I
could make friends without re
gard to color or race or creed,
but the older I got the more I
realized some people come into a
relationship with well defined pre
judgments.
The problem was to break down
these judgments and not accepL
them as my own: to become
friends not as a Negro but as an
American. I thanked my God that
I had had such good training in
Princeton, training that stopped
me from closing my mind as so
many in my neighborhood had
done.
I felt I could open it instead,
understanding the prejudice, ac
cepting . . . despite It ... tht"
man and his deeds, changing hiir
as I felt chaiiged. I felt myself
the first voyager on * new fron
tier of Americanism. I was ths
first immigrant in the new Amer
lean, an America of people . . .
not races or religions . . . Just
people.
I entered the military. I could
defend my America ... it waa
my duty and I wanted to do it
This wss the country that gavt
me my education, my 'religion,
my language, my nationality.
Wherever I went, at home os'
abroad, I was pr>ud to call my
self American ... not Negro, not
Protestant, Just American.
I thought that we are a country
of laws, that our history starter,
with the immortal words: "We
holds these truths to be self-evi
dent, that all men are created
equal. . ."
I thought why democracy ii
good and Communism is not. how
our laws are made and how
they’re changed, about meltiaj|
pots and equal righto for all. 1
thought, in short, about the Amer-
ica I knew.
The events of recent months
(Continued on Page 43)
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